Two hundred and fifty is an awkward age for a country. Trees and tortoises regularly hit 250. Democracies? Not so much.
When you zoom out on history, you find a few tiny places that have been self‑governing for centuries, but big, modern democracies tend to have shorter lifespans. They get knocked over by coups, or slowly hollowed out from the inside until the elections don’t really mean what they used to.
Which makes this birthday feel less like just a party, and more like a check‑up. We’re still here. We’re still voting. But the symptoms: polarization, distrust, leaders testing the limits, look uncomfortably similar to what other countries went through right before things went sideways.
Instead of only asking, “Will America survive?” I keep circling a different question:
What would it actually take for a democracy to be worth blessing?
Now, before we go any further, a quick confession: I’m probably overly sensitive about not being a Debbie Downer. In leadership and in life, I believe pretty fiercely in the power of focusing on what we want to create, on what we stand for rather than what we are against.
I’ve reread this little essay more than a few times, and honestly, it makes me a little uncomfortable. But I think that’s the point. As a country, it feels like time to look ourselves square in the face and deal with what is hard to see.
So this isn’t harsh, exactly, but it is not my usual pep‑talky writing. Consider that your heads‑up before we wade in.
When democracies slipped, and what it looked like
This isn’t an exhaustive list, but these are a few that haunt the history books.
Fallen democracies (the lights really went out):
Weimar Germany (1919–1933)
A constitutional democracy born after World War I. Economic collapse, humiliation, and extreme polarization opened the door for the Nazis, who used elections and emergency laws to shut the system behind them.
Chile (mid‑1900s–1973)
A functioning electoral democracy that hit a severe political and economic crisis. A 1973 military coup overthrew the elected government and installed a dictatorship that imprisoned, killed, or exiled opponents.
Spain’s Second Republic (1931–1939)
A young democracy trying to move beyond monarchy and dictatorship. Deep conflicts over land, religion, and regional autonomy spiraled into civil war and decades of rule under Franco.
Backslidden, “grey‑zone” democracies (elections on paper, not in practice):
Hungary – Elections still happen, but courts were packed, independent media weakened, and rules rewritten so one party has a built‑in advantage. Many indexes no longer count it as a full democracy.
Turkey – Once a hopeful democracy. Over time, journalists were jailed, opposition figures harassed, and power concentrated in the presidency. Voting continues, but the field isn’t remotely level.
Russia (1990s → now) – After the Soviet Union, there was a messy but real competitive system. Under Putin, opposition has been crushed, media captured, and elections turned into rituals with foregone conclusions.
You could add others, but even this short list shows how similar the arc can be, from very different starting points.
The symptoms that kept showing up
Across regions and decades, the warning signs start to rhyme. In country after country, you see:
Power at the top stops meeting real resistance.
Leaders rewrite rules, stack courts, and neuter watchdogs so almost no one with authority can credibly say “no” to the emerging dictator.
Politics becomes total war.
Opponents are cast as enemies or traitors, not neighbors who disagree. Winning becomes more important than preserving the rules everyone needs.
Trust collapses.
Courts are “rigged,” elections “stolen,” media “fake.” People either check out because nothing seems real, or they reach for more extreme answers because normal ways of solving problems feel pointless.
Money and power pool at the top.
As inequality and exclusion deepen, it starts to look like the game is fixed. That’s when “burn it all down” and “strong leader” solutions start to sound appealing.
Every step looks technically legal and individually small.
Each rule change or norm‑breaking move can be justified. Only in hindsight does it become obvious how far the system drifted.
You don’t have to draw a flashing arrow from that list to the United States. Most of us can feel which of those bullets land a little too close to home.
What helps democracies survive
The good news is this is not all doom. When people study the places that bent without breaking, a few themes keep showing up too.
They did not magically have better people. They had better habits.
They protected the referees.
Courts, election officials, local governments, independent media. In places that held on, those institutions had enough backbone and public trust to say “no” to whoever was in charge.
They built weird coalitions.
People and parties that disagreed on almost everything else still managed to lock arms around a few basics: fair elections, peaceful transfers of power, basic rights for everyone. It was less “do we like each other?” and more “are we willing to defend the rules together?”
They pushed back early.
The places that stayed democratic did not wait for a perfect villain monologue. Citizens, courts, journalists, and civic groups reacted to the small norm‑breaking moves before they piled up.
They made the system feel like it could work again.
Not perfectly, but enough that people believed there was still a path to change through voting, organizing, and everyday civic life instead of burning it all down.
They kept a living, local civic culture.
Neighborhood organizations, local newsrooms, faith communities, unions, small‑business circles. All the “boring” layers of community life that give people practice solving problems together instead of only screaming online.
The thread through all of that: ordinary people, in ordinary roles, choosing to defend something bigger than their own immediate team.
Rethinking “God Bless America”
Which brings me back to this interesting phrase that shows up on bumper stickers and ballcaps and in patriotic anthems: “God bless America.”
It’s a strange thought to me, that a God over the whole universe would pick one pinpoint on one planet and bless it. It sounds odd in the context of world history. And if God, or fairy godmothers, were in the business of handing out blessings, why would they choose this country, or keep choosing it?
The patriotic anthem God Bless America says:
“While the storm clouds gather far across the sea,
Let us swear allegiance to a land that's free,
Let us all be grateful for a land so fair,
As we raise our voices in a solemn prayer.”
And for a fair and free land, I am truly grateful. For those who pay the price for our freedoms, I’m indebted. But I, like many, fear that we’re teetering on the edge of losing those freedoms, and we’re squandering the leadership and resources we’ve had.
So if I had a prayer for us at 250, I don’t think it would be a no‑strings‑attached “God bless America.” It would sound more like: unsettle us.
Let the people who are hoarding power, exploiting fear, or quietly grifting off the system feel the weight of what they’re doing so heavily they can’t look away from it. Let their just‑so stories stop working. Let the people they’re harming show up in their minds at 3 a.m. until something cracks.
Give courage and stamina to the folks trying to stitch things back together. The ones working to heal, to tell the truth, to build something more just than what we inherited. Protect their energy. Multiply their small, faithful efforts.
And if we still hold any position of power in the world, let us treat it less like a crown and more like a set of responsibilities: to protect the vulnerable, to keep the peace, to make space for more people to live free and dignified lives.
Because if blessing means anything, it has to be more than background soundtrack to the fireworks. It has to be more than a lyric we half‑sing before we get back to the hot dogs and Instagram stories.
It has to be something we’re willing to live into, in our institutions, in our workplaces, in our neighborhoods, and in the daily ways we show up for each other when this democratic experiment feels fragile.
Otherwise, for God’s sake, why would God choose to bless a country at all?
